Project Description

Borders, Boundaries, Bodies: Full Project Description

Between 2013 and 2017, the Islamic State’s (IS) violence – from carefully orchestrated car bombings to public beheadings and genocide – forced countries to grapple with enemies both external and internal to their borders.

 

The group’s success in increasing the number of its members was facilitated by recruiting geographically dispersed men, women, and children, including many from Western European countries. In addition to many IS members from Middle Eastern countries, approximately 850 British citizens, of which 145 were women and 50 minors, 300 people from the Netherlands, 80 of whom were women, and over 1,060 Germans joined ISIS, including 165 women and 138 children joined IS during this period (De Leede 2018; Cook and Vale 2018, 2019; Gartenstein-Ross et al. 2020). It is estimated that 1,910 French citizens joined ISIS, including 400 to 700 women and 300 to 382 children are in the camps waiting to be repatriated (Cook and Vale 2018, 2019). [NOTE: these figures could go in an infographic]

 

These people made the move to Syria to help build a new caliphate intended to claim religious authority over Muslims worldwide. After the IS started to lose its power over Syrian territories, the anticipated return of European IS members and their children caused an international public outcry. Women and children are held in the al Hol and Roj detention camps in north-east Syria (see Where are they now on this website), while men are held in prisons, mostly in make-shift ones in Syria, and a few in Iraq.

 

Debate about the fate of these IS members has been controversial, dividing the public into two main camps: While some argue that European citizens’ right to return to their home countries should be granted by their governments, others are against their return with the fear that IS members may cause possible future terrorist activities on European soil. As a result, governments have been mostly reluctant to repatriate women and children, while repatriating imprisoned men is not even under discussion.

Citizen and Gender breakdown of Europeans who joined IS

This research project theorizes how the joining of IS and the public and government responses to the IS’ decline (and possible recent rebirth in places like the al Hol camp) shape spaces and logics of non-belonging to Europeanness. Non-belonging is not merely the opposite of belonging or an extreme form of marginalization. Rather, knowledge producers such as journalists, government officials, human rights activists, and counter-extremism experts actively construct non-belonging through their public discourse, policy- and lawmaking.

 

For example, media makers produce public discourses around whether people should be allowed to return and report on what (should) happen when they are repatriated. Governments and politicians debate possible citizenship revocations for IS members who are in the detention camps and the (lack of) citizenship status of children born to those who joined IS.

 

These public and political discussions will determine whether they are repatriated, rehabilitated, and reintegrated into European societies or whether their governments will de jure or de facto revoke their citizenship rights by leaving these European citizens in the camps and prisons. The fact that these camps are governed by the non-state authority of the Syrian Democratic Forces, a Kurdish organization (with backing from the United States) further complicates matters. In this study, we look at the resulting dilemmas through the lens of non-belonging and disentangle the forces that created this situation. Focusing on the role of gendered racialization and age to understand how spaces and logics of non-belonging form, we ask:

 

  • How do the spaces and logics of non-belonging impact very diverse European Muslim communities?
  • What are the implications concerning citizenship rights and human rights writ large?
  • What does the situation of those who joined IS tell us about the promise of equality and protection embedded in European citizenship for its minorities and immigrants

 

We answer these questions about the spaces and logics of non-belonging in Europe through the concepts of borders, boundaries, and bodies. We begin by looking at how the state limits who can and cannot move through state borders regarding citizenship. We examine how some foreign terrorist fighters attempting a return to their European home countries face prosecution in a third country (such as Turkey) or confront citizenship revocation, which leaves some of them, and possibly some of their children, stateless in Syrian camps and prisons. 

Shamima Begum

Shamima Begum’s case became a flashpoint for citizenship rights and revocation discussions. She left Britain at 15 years old for Syria and attempted a return at 19 years old after the birth of her third child, who was born a British citizen. Begum subsequently had her citizenship revoked by the British government after much public controversy about whether she should be allowed to return to her home country or not. 

Part of the justification for stripping Shamima Begum of her citizenship was the presumption that she could attain Bangladeshi citizenship through her parents – by international law, revocations cannot render a person stateless. Bangladeshi government officials, however, made clear that they have no intention of granting her citizenship. As a result, Begum is now stateless, residing in the Syrian Roj camp. The child born just prior to stripping her citizenship died in the camp for lack of care. 

 

Learn more about her journey on our Women’s Stories page.

Older children who accompanied their European parents to Syria, or were born there, are treated as future threats, better left in camps and prisons in Syria and Iraq. These children are, however, entitled to European citizenship as a birthright (they acquire their citizenship through birth to a citizen parent). Yet, most governments have been reluctant to recognize children’s rights to cross the border to the country of their citizenship, despite this right being part of the European human rights protocols. Germany is an exception, now being close to repatriating all German women and children from the camps. Other European governments, such as France, have recently repatriated some of the children in the camps along with their mothers, while other mothers and children are left behind without a clear explanation if and when they would be repatriated. The Netherlands is repatriating women and children in order to stand trial, while Britain has as of October 2022, only repatriated seven children. These processes reflect haphazardly applied border regimes of non-belonging that largely keep (former) IS members out of their European home countries. 

 

Media draw boundaries of non-belonging. In their targeted production of knowledge, they contribute to the manufacturing of an us/them logic of non-belonging. This logic stretches beyond the limited number of men, women, and children who joined IS and impacts entire European Muslim communities. For instance, take the stigmatizing phrase “Jihadi Bride” often applied to women who joined IS. Jihad is Arabic for struggle associated with achieving insight into religious texts and practice. In the current context, it has been coopted across a wide political spectrum to mobilize people in various ways to engage in war-like struggle. The use of the term “jihad” in European media evokes ideas of dangerous foreign influence from war-ridden countries (Afghanistan, Syria) or global terrorist networks like al-Qaeda and IS. 

 

There is also a gendered racialized side of the use of “jihadi bride,” which informs misogyny towards Muslim women. Its use echoes a history across Europe and North America in which women lost their citizenship when marrying foreign men, or a history of questioning whether women are capable of having allegiance to their natal citizenship when they marry across borders (De Hart 2012; Navest, de Koning, and Moors 2016). The modifier ‘jihadi’ erases the husband in question and suggests that these women have wedded themselves to a particular Islamic ideology. The media’s use of “jihad” and its attachment to “bride” places these European women outside the symbolic space of the nation. 

Gokce and Anna sitting next to each other on a couch talking with each other
Anna Korteweg and Gökce Yurdakul working together on the project
Such borders and boundaries are subsequently placed upon bodies; not only the bodies of the women returnees attempting to re-enter the UK, Netherlands, France and Germany but also their children who are taken to IS without their consent, or who are born in Syria. Berkay Madiraci, a senior analyst for Crisis Group in Turkey, a global civil society organization, leads research on conflict dynamics in northern Iraq and northern Syria. He talked to us about families where the parents were stripped of their European citizenship, and as a result their children have no known citizenship, effectively rendering them stateless.Muslim men are depicted as violent terrorists whose capacity for embodied violence is always present. Four British IS militants dubbed “the Beatles” captured headlines for the horrific violence they perpetrated on captives. These men came to physically represent the brutality at the heart of the Islamic State, exemplifying Muslim terroristic masculinities (Yurdakul and Korteweg 2021; Vale 2022). The application of such borders, boundaries, and bodies is highly gendered, racialized, and class-based. We argue that IS members who are left in camps and prisons should not be seen as isolated cases. Rather, we argue that the way that European governments and media handle IS members who are European citizens has profound implications for European citizenship rights, human rights, and the rule of law writ large. By ignoring their human rights, we also run the risk that IS members will not be held accountable for the severe human rights violations that they have committed, including enslaving Yazidi women and children and committing genocide towards Yazidi minority. Thus far, repatriations are followed by trials in their home countries, trials that are not possible in the camps and make-shift prisons of Northern Syria run by non-state authorities.   This multi-year project sources data from a multitude of places: newspapers, governmental documents, parliamentary debates, legal documents, and interviews with key stakeholders to triangulate and theorize the space and logics of non-belonging. We are in the process of publishing both scholarly work (articles and a book) and public-facing pieces (including this website) as well as more creative outputs (audio clips, a documentary film, and short videos).

References

Cook, Joana and Gina Vale. “From Daesh to diaspora, tracing the women and minors of Islamic State.” ICSR major report. July 2018. 

 

Cook, Joane Lee Irene, and Gina Vale. 2019. “From Daesh to ‘Diaspora’ II: The Challenges Posed by Women and Minors After the Fall of the Caliphate.” CTC Sentinel, 30–46. 

 

De Leede, Seran. 2018. “Women in Jihad: A Historical Perspective.” International Centre for Counter-Terrorism. http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep19608. 

 

Gartenstein-Ross, Daveed, Colin P. Clarke, and Emelie Chace-Donahue. “The Enduring Legacy of French and Belgian Islamic State Foreign Fighters.” (2020). 

 

Vale, Gina. ““You are no longer cubs, you are now lions”: examining the constructed masculinities of Islamic State child executioners and their victims.” Critical Studies on Terrorism (2022): 1-23. 

 

Yurdakul, Gökçe, and Anna C. Korteweg. “Boundary regimes and the gendered racialized production of Muslim masculinities: Cases from Canada and Germany.” Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies 19, no. 1 (2021): 39-54.

Author

Thumbnail headshot of Anna Korteweg

Anna Korteweg

Thumbnail headshot of Gokce Yurdakul

Gökce Yurdakul

To-Cite

Korteweg, A. (October, 2022). Project Description. Borders Boundaries Bodies. http://bordersboundariesbodies.org/project-description/